On Marxism and Imperialism

On Marxism and Imperialism
Posted on 2022-12-08 in Economics
1.   The Ongoing Problems with Marxist Imperialist Theory and the Movement towards Decolonising the Curriculum

To the man with a hammer, everything seems to look like a nail.[1] Whilst interdisciplinary methodologies are difficult to achieve or present a challenge, such methods also present arguably the most effective means of achieving a sustainable path in social science.[2] Marx bandied around the word imperialism without providing strict definitions. For this reason, historians such as Wolfe have argued that while theories of imperialism are said to resemble Darwinism, few can say what imperialism actually means and the “imprecision is encouraged by a surfeit of synonyms”.[3] As Wolfe notes, the Marxist-Leninist applications of the word imperialism represent state power and the attempt to secure economic monopolies and promote national growth and expansion.

            Authors still base the analysis of economic reasoning and the analysis of historical outcomes on the same continuing pertinence of imperialism.[4] Bond utilises imperialist theory and Marx’s historical materialist method of theory and capital to continue a frequently deployed explanation as to why the author not only believes that capitalism caused the expansion of imperial powers but reasons it lies at the heart of what the author terms ‘the continuing plunder of Africa’.[5] Through this, the concepts of Western colonialism and the promotion of Western concepts and ideals are attacked and given a bad name. Yet, as Gilley noted in a paper that was later retracted, because of death threats against the author, reaffirming the primacy of human life and not vilifying all aspects of Western culture would lead to positive benefits for developing countries.[6] In rushing to virtual signal support against colonial rule, many historians and researchers create a straw man of an argument that does not withstand falsification.[7]

            Amin presents a thesis that it is the class struggle under capitalism driven by the imperialist world order that creates the laws of capitalism.[8] Through this argument, the author seeks to challenge the law of global value and create a claim that, like Marx, fails to posit an alternative system to capitalism, while arguing that a new form of utopia will spontaneously appear and that humanity will advance to a new level of harmony when capital is removed from society. Hayek demonstrated that pricing competition acts as a means of producing information within society. The complexity of market systems cannot be replicated through means that exist outside of capitalism.[9] Whilst the Soviet Russian government attempted to plan its economy, the levels of information required and the growing complexity over time led to a scenario where products could not be produced efficiently.[10]

            Expanding on such themes allowed Thomas Piketty to expound a thesis that the current system would collapse as inequality levels destroyed the capitalist system.[11] Further, the systems would lead to globalised monopoly-finance capital and introduce a new form of imperialist control.[12] Baran extended this argument to claim that monopoly capitalism was inevitable and equally one cause of race relations problems globally.[13] Further, these arguments fuel hypotheses such as Akerlof’s market for lemons.[14] Through this narrative mechanism, economic theories such as a market for lemons persist despite being demonstrated not to work in the real world.[15] Even where testing is demonstrated to show that consumers adjust for high-quality and lemon level products, demonstrating that the market for lemons theory does not hold, many economists create alternative strategies to reintroduce information asymmetry and argue for these effects.[16]

            Whilst economics concerns the formation of institutions and the exchange of valuable knowledge; researchers continue to attempt to find methodologies of creating equal systems that produce equivalent outcomes for people in society based on the partial or complete abolition of market forces.[17] In this, these researchers fail to understand that equality is not fair. Moreover, in formulating an anti-colonial critique based on flawed Marxist Leninist concepts of economic value, many contemporary activists and researchers conflate concepts associated with the colonialisation or post-colonialism with other concepts of progressive social change. In this frame of reference, historical truth is replaced by post-modern concepts of subjective rather than objective measurements of the past. One of the problems from this perspective is the growth of relativism and relative truth in history.[18]

            There is a cost that comes with falsely framing historical events. In seeking to make some individuals feel empowered, it creates others who form the role of the victim. In seeking to portray terrorism as one man’s freedom fighter, the academic devalues the lives of many people who did not choose for society to be radically altered through violence. Unfortunately, many people are unable or unwilling to fight battles to protect democracy but, given a choice, would choose it. As such, it only requires a fringe minority to create enough chaos to enable a dictator to come to power.[19]

2.   Leninist – Stalinist Anti-Capitalist Imperialism

Lenin expanded Marx’s argument to state that imperialism is a natural aspect and the ultimate phase of capitalism.[20] Because of this interpretation of Marxist freedom and power, many contemporary authors and historians blame drought or colonial governments or Western trade.[21] For example, DeGregori argues that colonial economic policies reduced the food-producing capacity of communities.[22] Yet, rice production under the Portuguese often exceeded 182,000 tons per annum, whereas rice production fell to between 75,000 and 85,000 tons per annum under the “liberated postcolonial government”.[23] Moreover, following the period of colonial rule, a government ten times the size of that instigated by the Portuguese implemented tougher controls, and the level of education dropped.[24]

            However, rather than facing the fact that a colonial capitalist power provided better living conditions to the majority of the population, DeGregori presents a neo-Rousseaun argument of the noble savage stating how traditional African societies involved mechanisms in protecting the environment from degradation.[25] Yet, it was an African government and African leaders that instigated the political controls which rejected the measures taken by the colonial government. Moreover, in simply shifting to the argument that the transatlantic slave trade undermined the traditional mechanisms, the authors ignore historical records of famines in Africa.[26] This interpretation of African villages living in tribal existence as ‘noble savage’ devalues the history of these people. In ignoring the history of the land and portraying people as one with the land rather than cosmopolitan societies with a rich mediaeval history of territorial conflicts and diaspora, the Marxist historian creates a form of victimhood and undermines the ability of people to embrace their history positively.[27]

            More importantly, those who forget history are doomed to repeat it; what could we say is expected from those who learn a false version of events?[28] Scholars such as Uzoigwe have started to look at the role of the military in contemporary society.[29] In this form of examination of pre-colonial studies, examining the prior conflicts and political organisation within African nations before the introduction of European colonial rule demonstrates that the colonial military experience was not a break from the African past and the pre-colonial African armies .[30] The collapse of the Qyo empire may be blamed on the introduction of colonial rule through the Portuguese through a postcolonial whitewashing of the original people’s history. But, to do so removes the heroic struggles of these people from history.

            Further, such a reconstructed version of the history of colonialism in Guinea-Bissau removes the Christian past and the eleventh-century mediaeval struggles against Islamisation.[31] Moreover, nearly arguing the effects of the transatlantic slave trade and Portuguese imperialism removes the impact of the Islamic slave trade and its effects between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries in the region.[32] So, while authors such as Klein overlook the earlier development of the slave trade and military systems that Christian forces had formed in opposition to a growing Islamic movement in Senegambia, many of the underlying tensions of the region are left unexplored.[33] Additionally, constructing a history that places blame for all contemporary issues on the colonial past ignores the instability and turbulence that led to the collapse of these earlier African empires.[34]

            An important question to be asked is whether the historian should be seeking pathways to blame European colonialism for all of the modern ills of a nation in a vain attempt to ignore the social ills and the corruption that are occurring or whether it is more ethically responsible by taking an open and honest look at countries past. Through this, the question needs to be addressed as to whether it is more demeaning for an African population to be portrayed as a group of recently raised noble savages or to look into the often imperial past of a continent that created literary developments in Timbuktu that rivalled the rest of the Islamic world and to accept that this continent had a wide range of cultural developments and early nations that in many cases rivalled those in the West.[35]

            In accepting the Marxist interpretation of capitalist colonialisation, the historian removes the cultural richness of a nation’s past but replaces it with a denigrating story of a people whose history is accounted to know more than tribalism despite the rich history of nations, kingdoms and societies throughout these regions. Through this process, the Marxist interpretation portrays all aspects of liberal governments and Western democratic processes as little more than an adjunct to the capitalist imperial society that they state to be oppressing the victimised people. Yet, while these myths enable African leaders to subjugate their people and to enhance their rule through processes of corruption and unconstrained power, the creation of a culture that is based on partial truths also becomes one of victimisation and not empowerment.[36]

Stalin and Communist Imperialism

The narrative portrayed under Marxist views of class struggle and imperialism misrepresent the past and create a system that perpetuates the same atrocities in the present and continues these into the future.[37] When reviewed against the mirror of history, the actions of Lenin and Stalin demonstrated a continuous process of subjugation and imperial rule, the hypocrisy of this approach becomes clear. [38] In arguing for the positive effects of Soviet economic policy, authors such as Iandolo blame the unreliability of local leaders and the need for more military strength whilst ignoring the economic problems that plagued the Soviet Union, even in Russia.[39]

            D’Souza has argued that democracy is a cure for famine whilst ignoring the requirement for political institutions.[40] Furthermore, whilst a democracy requires capitalism to be successful, the introduction of capitalist market systems into China has demonstrated that capitalism does not create democracy.[41] Further, despite continuing socialist arguments that democracy can cure capitalism and even that the democratic redistribution of wealth create a socialist utopia, these authors fail to understand that humanity is not predisposed to work merely for the good of humanity.[42] Consequently, socialist arguments move from promoting historical falsehoods into redefining the meaning of words, such as by arguing that the purpose of a democracy is in creating equally distributed property rights.[43]

            The claim that “Capitalism is not democratic, democracy not capitalist” misrepresents both Democratic or Republican systems and the nature of capitalism.[44] In this manner and through the promotion of the concept of democracy to one of egalitarian equal outcomes, the Marxist scholar or historian managers to take the meaning of the words as something malleable in a manner analogous to Newspeak in 1984 in a means analogous to the method that Lenin used in making imperialism and colonial rule a denigrated term within Western society while simultaneously instigating and promoting Soviet conquest and occupation.[45] As such, the claims that democracy is about the equal distribution of goods can be seen to fall into the socialist realm of doublespeak that Marxist historians often use in rewriting history to be one of class oppression and imperialism.

            When the Marxist approach to colonial rule in history is analysed, many troubling contradictions start to appear. For example, in an analysis of Portuguese rule in Gambia, Mendy demonstrates several contradictions that occur when history is rewritten through a Marxist perspective of imperialism rather than open truth-seeking that analyses the scenario against the existing nature of society at the time of events.[46] For example, in reporting unpaid labour in the building of roads in this region by the Portuguese who utilised a labour exchange arrangement for those who couldn’t pay taxes, Mendy substitutes the word “forced” to represent unpaid.[47] However, whilst arguing that this was a form of colonial enslavement, authors such as Mendy overlook how peasant communities within Portugal exchanged labour for government services where they could not pay in cash.[48]

            Shaw expounded how this was a natural part of socialist communities.[49] Rather than arguing that the Marxist view of history was one of everybody being exploited by an elite few as now occurs in socialist African nations, the Marxist interpretation of colonialism as taken by authors such as Mendy documents African regimes in a distinctly different way to present regimes within Europe even when the peasant “classes” in both nations are subjected to equal treatment.[50] In Its Place, the Marxist historian declares that this is a case of forced labour, whilst this does not occur in socialist societies or through socialist governments. These are claimed to be a case of “no exploitation in the egalitarian society, since everyone works socially necessary”.[51]

            In documenting anecdotes about the Spanish and Portuguese uprisings during the eighteenth century, Pecchio records multiple cases of forced labour required of the peasantry in these nations in exchange for government services where they could not pay tax in coin.[52] Woolsey documents many of the restrictions on movement that were applied to the European peasantry at this time.[53] Whilst a contemporary analysis of the practices undertaken in many African colonies would be deemed abhorrent today, many of these practices reflect the condition of peasants within Europe at the same time as those which are being denigrated in attacks against colonialism in Africa. From this, it becomes difficult to grasp how the treatment of European peasantry was so different to those under African colonial rule.

            Whilst the conditions of the peasantry throughout Europe may have been horrid, it is the introduction of growth associated with capitalism that has raised individuals out of poverty.[54] But, equally, when Marxist scholars start to rewrite history as a class struggle or as a race struggle or as any of the existing paradigms that are pushed, the truth becomes secondary to the agenda of promoting egalitarianism. However, in none of these studies do the authors note that egalitarian equality is not fair. If two people work at different rates, they should not receive the same outcome. If one person works eighty hours a week and another gives but twenty hours, the outcome should not be the same. Yet, this is the result that an egalitarian system would promote. As a consequence of this goal, the Marxist historian and promoting imperialism and colonial rule devalue the truth. In this way, these individuals fail to deliver people to the level they could achieve.

            A more important consequence comes from the resulting “Brain drain” created in many nations and throughout Africa.[55] The move to egalitarian equality and the redistribution of property promoted by many Marxist authors leads to the large-scale migration of many individuals capable of achieving far more in Western societies than they could ever achieve in their home country.[56] Additionally, the politics of envy promoted by Marxist scholars promotes class division and conflict through both race and concepts of imperialism and colonial rule.[57] Strategies such as envy are actively promoted as “justified resentment” and not the vice that it truly years by some scholars.[58] It is not through attacking the development of wealth that people in Third World countries or African nations managed to grow their economy. Hence, the attitude of the Marxist scholar devalues and diminishes the worth of many people throughout this globe.

            The brain drain noted above occurs throughout Africa as individuals who have become educated or exhibit qualities of entrepreneurship leave to increase their opportunities.[59] Adding more and achieving better results leads to the large-scale immigration of individuals from countries in continents such as Africa as the largely socialist regimes in these countries seek more egalitarian outcomes.[60] So, whilst social entrepreneurship reduces poverty, the drive for unfair equality leads to a scenario where those individuals who can achieve the most leave countries in Africa for those in the West.[61] Importantly, for all the promotion of equality that is done by many socialist groups and Marxist scholars, as all well noted in “The Road to Wigan Pier”, the majority of those who call themselves socialists carry more about their position in the hierarchy and the people they purport to help.[62]

            The Marxist commentators that are most actively attacking colonialism are doing so to promote socialism on a platform of partial truth that obscures many of the falsehoods surrounding socialist regimes and blames all aspects of society on capitalism. In doing this, the notion of truth and understanding human culture and the need for hierarchies is obscured in a false claim that democracy is best served when all people are equal. Yet, equality of outcomes cannot be fair. Moreover, this approach discourages individuals from developing within their own societies.

            Promoting the anti-colonial agenda and even decolonising the curriculum leads to a brain drain into the West. In comparison, this bolsters Western economies at the expense of the Third World.[63] The ‘best’ in any society, including those of former colonial nations, do not want equality, and the attempt to force this upon them result in an exodus or diaspora. The consequence of the anti-colonial agenda is not to improve the lives of those in former colonial countries but rather to diminish the good aspects of governance and replace this with the mass migration of individuals who could help build the nation.[64] In part, the Marxist historian must assume responsibility for the consequences of the writing and philosophies they produce as ideas have consequences.[65]

3.   Britain as a History of Invasions

The use of Marxist imperialism and the colonial analogies have taken hold within literature and historiography.[66] Unfortunately, this has also promoted a sense of entitlement and a mentality of fault. So while authors such as Roemer continue to argue that Marxist class struggles have merely moved into social justice and racial exploitation struggles, the postcolonial colonies that they are being exploited remain outside of existing global trade and form part of the global Third World brain drain.[67] Lind argues that political correctness is a revolution derived from cultural Marxism. In this, cultural Marxism and its relationship with imperialism move away from the traditional class distinctions into an argument based on the history of oppression through power relations.[68] Class-based oppression is replaced by arguments of culture, race and gender.[69] Meanwhile, creating a victim mentality reduces economic activity, allowing the Marxist scholar to further argue economic exploitation.[70]

            The lens through which we view, frame, and comprehend the material analysed and researched colours and changes our perceptions.[71] In coming to a question with a preconceived idea of imperialism and colonial expansion, the researcher introduces a level of bias that blinds them to any potential benefits that may be explored. An example may be found in British history. Gillingham provides an argument that British imperialism starts with not only Roman but Saxon and Norman occupations.[72] Examples of writings by John of Salisbury utilised to demonstrate cultural imperialism in the twelfth century of England.[73] It is further argued that William Malmesbury established an imperial conception of Celtic people in history.[74] Consequently, writers such as Marsden have claimed that the writings of John of Salisbury should be consigned to history and forgotten.[75]

            Yet, few modern Welsh or Scottish people would consider abandoning the benefits of modern society to return to a Celtic existence. More critically, as Chapman notes, the cultural system being promoted through the Celts is little more than a method itself.[76] Through this, many different political groups have usurped false versions of history and constructed identities and institutions primarily derived through methodologies of imperialism and not events that would relate to the Marxist interpretation of appropriation or oppression.[77] From this, authors such as Hechter extend colonialism to even the internal politics within a democratic country.[78]

            Hechter utilises Marxist notions of class interchangeably across culture, race, and language.[79] Through the analysis of 19th-century Scotland, Hechter generates arguments of oppression and exploitation through the migration of skilled Scottish workers and the development of heavy industry in that country.[80] These arguments are then linked to Marx’s arguments about using the English worker to oppress and exploit the Celtic peoples.[81] These arguments continue through a development process that the author claims integrates the concept of Marxist latent class consciousness in the form of ethnic and racial differences such as those beliefs held by the “Celtic periphery”.[82]

            Hensman provides a strong argument that many of the anti-imperialist arguments tied directly to strong support for totalitarian control.[83] In many ways, the arguments that present capitalism as a strawman continue to promote mythologies founded by agitators such as Marx and Engels integrated into scholarly research whilst downplaying the factual histories and occurrences. While Rousseau’s noble savage concept forms a powerful myth analogous to that of the Celts in Britain, the smearing of truth to promote political agendas create discord.[84] Marxist de-colonialism and Anti-Imperialism acts as an obstacle to truth. Hence, crucially, the creation of false narratives and the continuing isolation of many groups and the exclusion of countries in continents such as Africa from the integration into world trade.[85]

            The easily falsifiable contradictions that come from arguments of colonial exploitation can be seen in the conflicting statements and arguments of authors such as Rodney, who claims that Europe underdeveloped Africa when placed against those presented earlier of DeGregori, who claims that the use of unpaid labour in lieu of taxation was forced exploitation and that the developments created in these colonies should not have occurred.[86] Likewise, arguments are presented that Western education across Africa and India was oppressive and exploitative, while simultaneous contentions attempt to show that too little education was provided.[87] At the same time, mythologies are being created like those of the Celtic myth used to create discord throughout Britain by Marxist authors. Although these have been demonstrated not to display highly questionable levels of factual accuracy, the promotion of mythologies rather than the true history continues to be promoted in African nations to downplay Western educational methodologies.[88]

4.   Conclusion

The Western world is not exploiting the third world; they are ignoring it.[89] The diminishing governance and minimised economic output resulting from the withdrawal of colonial governance do not support the mythology that decolonisation was beneficial, that the Marxist concept of imperialism is justified in the various analyses reviewed, or that the introduction of false mythologies generates a beneficial outcome for the majority of people in former colonial territories.[90] Terry Pratchett noted that humanity should be called “Pan narrans” (the “storytelling ape”).[91] Given the detrimental consequences that result from false mythologies, as Lopes says in describing the nature of historical research, “historians need to remain truthful to their core competencies”.[92] Mazhar notes how historians may exceed the boundaries of presenting historical events and create national heroes.[93] Many Marxist historians create false heroes and fabricated false villains, and, worse still, deliver inaccurate reports that falsely denigrate those qualities of existing regimes that would improve the lot of billions of people globally if implemented by existing regimes.[94]

            The concept of class was never accurately a good descriptor in the analysis of social history.[95] Yet, the creation of cultural appropriation, race, and gender-based ontological and epistemological arguments have merely shifted the discourse away from arguments of class struggle to those of the interplay between power groups and the struggle for power.[96] While some researchers and historians will argue that it presents a different perspective on history, the replacement of class struggle with race does little to investigate the events in history beyond creating forms of envy and blame.[97] Further, the argument that Marxist ideas about capitalism changed after Foucault falsely assumes that either Marx or Foucault maintained a rudimentary understanding of economic theory.[98] Whilst Marx’s erroneous conception of capitalism was based on false concepts and economic fallacies, the same erroneous conceptualisations became those of Foucault.[99]

            The narrative has changed, but the underlying aspects of exchange and trade have not.[100] So while Foucault has changed the framing of the argument, the move to power dynamics, race, and culture failed to address the critical underlying nature of trade or the need for efficient and effective governance.[101] The Marxist historian has glibly replaced class with race and imperialism with cultural appropriation. So, the mythology moves on, but race has just become the new class.

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[6] B. Gilley, 2018. The case for colonialism. Academic Questions, 31(2), pp.167-185.

[7] Ibid. p.171, 173.

[8] S. Amin, 2018. Modern Imperialism, Monopoly Finance Capital, and Marx's Law of Value: Monopoly Capital and Marx's Law of Value. NYU Press. p. 10-11.

[9] Hayek, F.A., 2002. Competition as a discovery procedure. Quarterly journal of Austrian economics, 5(3), pp.9-23.

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[11] T. Piketty, 2018. Capital in the 21st century. In Inequality in the 21st Century (pp. 43-48). Routledge.

[12] Ibid. p. 176.

[13] P. A. Baran, 1966. Monopoly capital. NYU Press.

[14] G. A. Akerlof, 1978. The market for “lemons”: Quality uncertainty and the market mechanism. In Uncertainty in economics (pp. 235-251). Academic Press.

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[16] N. Mocan, 2007. Can consumers detect lemons? An empirical analysis of information asymmetry in the market for child care. Journal of population Economics, 20(4), pp.743-780.

[17] G. M. Hodgson, 1998. Socialism against markets? A critique of two recent proposals. Economy and Society, 27(4), pp.407-433.; B. Loasby, 2002. Knowledge, institutions and evolution in economics. Routledge.

[18] J. W. Meiland, 1977. Concepts of relative truth. The Monist, pp.568-582.

[19] D. Galula, 2006. Counterinsurgency warfare: theory and practice. Greenwood Publishing Group.

[20] V. Lenin, (1999) Imperialism. Sydney: Resistance Books

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[22] Ibid. loc. 181.

[23] J. Forrest, 1992. Guinea-Bissau: power, conflict, and renewal in a West African nation. Westview Press.

[24] DeGregori, 1994. History and Hunger in West Africa. loc. 215.

[25] Ibid. loc. 214.

[26] E. York, 1919. Leagues of Nations: Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern. London, Swarthmore.; N. Chittick, 1982. Mediaeval Mogadishu. Paideuma, pp.45-62.; R. Kruk, 1987. Pregnancy and its social consequences in mediaeval and traditional Arab society. Quaderni Di Studi Arabi, 5, pp.418-430.

[27] Lopes, C., 2003. Kaabú and Its Neighbors: A Historical and Territorial Interpretation of Conflicts. Mande Studies, pp.113-126.

[28] B. Semmel, 1960. Imperialism and social reform. English social-imperial thought.; P. Decherney, N. Ensmenger and C. S. Yoo, 2011. Are those who ignore history doomed to repeat It?. The University of Chicago Law Review, 78(4), pp.1627-1685.

[29] G.N. Uzoigwe, 1975. Pre-colonial military studies in Africa. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 13(3), pp.469-481.

[30] Ibid. p. 469.

[31] G.E. Brooks, 1984. The Observance of All Souls' Day in the Guinea-Bissau Region: A Christian Holy Day, An African Harvest Festival, an African New Year's Celebration, or All of the Above (?). History in Africa, 11, pp.1-34.; A. Saine, 2012. Culture and customs of Gambia. ABC-CLIO.

[32] S. Gellar, 2020. Senegal: an African nation between Islam and the West. Routledge.

[33] de Guiraudon, T.G., 1888. IV. Notes and News. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 20(3), pp.453-459.; M. A. Klein, 1972. Social and economic factors in the Muslim revolution in Senegambia. The Journal of African History, 13(3), pp.419-441.

[34] A. Hughes & D. Perfect, 2006. A political history of the Gambia, 1816–1994. University of Rochester Press.

[35] F. Moore, 1738. Travels Into the Inland Parts of Africa: Containing a Description of the Several Nations for the Space of Six Hundred Miles Up the River Gambia... with a Particulair Account of Job Ben Solomon, a Pholey, who was in England in the Year 1733, and Known by the Name of the'African'. To which is Added, Capt. Stibb's Voyage Up the Gambia in the Year 1723, to Make Discoveries... Also Extracts from the Nubian's Geography... Cave.; E. N. Saad, 1983. Social history of Timbuktu: the role of Muslim scholars and notables 1400-1900. Cambridge University Press.

[36] J. Grischow and H. Weiss, 9. Pan-Africanism, Socialism and the Future. The Struggle for the Long-Term in Transnational Science and Politics: Forging the Future, 218.

[37] T. McDonough, 1995. Lenin, imperialism, and the stages of capitalist development. Science & Society, pp.339-367.

[38] R. Legvold, 2013. Soviet Policy in West Africa. Harvard University Press.

[39] B. Krawchenko, 1984. The Man-Made Famine of 1932-1933 in Soviet Ukraine. Journal of Conflict Studies, 4(2). ; A. Iandolo, 2012. The rise and fall of the ‘Soviet Model of Development’in West Africa, 1957–64. Cold War History, 12(4), pp.683-704.

[40] D'Souza, F., 1994. Democracy as a Cure for Famine. Journal of peace research, 31(4), pp.369-373.

[41] N. Lin, 2011. Capitalism in China: A centrally managed capitalism (CMC) and its future. Management and Organization Review, 7(1), pp.63-96.

[42] Wolff, R.D., 2012. Democracy at work: A cure for capitalism. Haymarket books.; Schweickart, D., 2011. After capitalism. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

[43] W. Merkel, 2014. Is capitalism compatible with democracy?. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Politikwissenschaft, 8(2), pp.109-128.

[44] Ibid. p. 109.

[45] Orwell, G. (2021) 1984. La Vergne: Antiquarius

[46] P. K. Mendy, 2003. Portugal's civilizing mission in colonial Guinea-Bissau: Rhetoric and reality. The International journal of African historical studies, 36(1), pp.35-58.

[47] Ibid. p. 45.

[48] E. Kingston-Mann, 1991. Peasant Communes and Economic Innovation: A Preliminary Inquiry. In Peasant Economy, Culture, and Politics of European Russia, 1800-1921 (pp. 23-51).

[49] Shaw, B., 1891. What socialism is (No. 13). Fabian society.

[50] M. Duffield, 1998. Post‐modern conflict: Warlords, post‐adjustment states and private protection. Civil wars, 1(1), pp.65-102.

[51] J. E. Roemer, 2013. A general theory of exploitation and class. Harvard University Press.

[52] Pecchio, G., 1823. Anecdotes of the Spanish and Portuguese Revolutions. G. and WB Whittaker.

[53] Woolsey, T.D., 1875. Introduction to the study of international law. Scribner, Armstrong.

[54] M. Lipton, 1977. Why poor people stay poor: a study of urban bias in world development. Temple Smith; Australian National University Press.

[55] D. Dovlo, 2003, September. The brain drain and retention of health professionals in Africa. In A case study prepared for a regional training conference on Improving Tertiary education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Things That Work (pp. 23-25).; A. Tebeje, 2005. Brain drain and capacity building in Africa. IDRC reports, Feb. 22, 2005.; Gwaradzimba, E. and Shumba, A., 2010. The nature, extent and impact of the brain drain in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Acta Academica, 42(1), pp.209-241.; Docquier, F. and Iftikhar, Z., 2019. Brain drain, informality and inequality: a search-and-matching model for sub-Saharan Africa. Journal of International Economics, 120, pp.109-125.

[56] P. T. Bauer, 1981. Equality, the third world, and economic delusion. Harvard University Press. p. 26-40.

[57] H. Hughes, 2001. The politics of envy: Poverty and income distribution. Policy: A Journal of Public Policy and Ideas, 17(2), pp.13-18.

[58] J. Ahier and J. Beck, 2003. Education and the politics of envy. British Journal of Educational Studies, 51(4), pp.320-343.

[59] S. Nwankwo, 2013. Entrepreneurship among British Africans: moving forward by looking backward. Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy.

[60] S. Ojo, 2012. Ethnic enclaves to diaspora entrepreneurs: A critical appraisal of black British Africans' transnational entrepreneurship in London. Journal of African Business, 13(2), pp.145-156.

[61] P. F. Bento and P. Muzanenhamo, 2014. Social Entrepreneurship and Brand Africa--How Human Capacity Can Reduce Poverty. Available at SSRN 2460304.

[62] Orwell, G., 2021. The road to Wigan pier. Oxford University Press.

[63] P. Brown and S. Tannock, 2009. Education, meritocracy and the global war for talent. Journal of Education Policy, 24(4), pp.377-392.

[64] T. F. Hedegaard, 2019. Migration and meritocracy: Support for the idea that hard work will get you ahead in society among nine migrant groups in Denmark, the Netherlands, and Germany. Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 9(1), pp.1-18.

[65] For example, in attacks of merrit: J. Littler, 2013. Meritocracy as plutocracy: The marketising of'Equality'under neoliberalism. New Formations, 80(80), pp.52-72.

[66] H. Felperin, 1986. Beyond deconstruction: The uses and abuses of literary theory. Oxford University Press.; E.W. Said, 1989. Representing the colonized: Anthropology's interlocutors. Critical inquiry, 15(2), pp.205-225.; R.J. Young, 2004. White mythologies. Routledge.; T. Eagleton, 2006. Criticism and ideology: A study in Marxist literary theory. Verso.; D. Long and B.C. Schmidt eds., 2006. Imperialism and internationalism in the discipline of international relations. SUNY Press.

[67] Roemer, 2013. A general theory of exploitation and class. Harvard University Press.

[68] Lind, B., 2000, The Origins of Political Correctness, 5 February 2000, Found at: https://www.academia.org/the-origins-of-political-correctness/

[69] Ibid.

[70] J.R. O'Connor, ed., 1998. Natural causes: Essays in ecological Marxism. Guilford Press.; J.A. Aune, 2019. Rhetoric and marxism. Routledge.

[71] C. L. Ridgeway, 2009. Framed before we know it: How gender shapes social relations. Gender & society, 23(2), pp.145-160.; Yanow, D., 2015. Thinking interpretively: Philosophical presuppositions and the human sciences. In Interpretation and method (pp. 5-26). Routledge.

[72] J. Gillingham, 1992. The beginnings of English imperialism. journal of Historical Sociology, 5(4), pp.392-409.

[73] Ibid. p. 396-7; J. Gillingham, 2000. The English in the twelfth century: imperialism, national identity, and political values. Boydell & Brewer Ltd.

[74] Ibid. p. 397-9.

[75] R. Marsden, 2010. Time to consign this view of the past to the history books. The Western Mail, p.18.

[76] M. Chapman, 1992. The Celts: the construction of a myth. Springer.

[77] K. Robbins, 2016. Great Britain: Identities, Institutions and the Idea of Britishness Since 1500. Routledge.

[78] M. Hechter, 1977. Internal colonialism: The Celtic fringe in British national development, 1536-1966 (Vol. 197). Univ of California Press.

[79] Ibid. p. 87,

[80] Ibid. 281-3.

[81] Ibid. p. 15, 20, 42, 88, 164.

[82] Ibid. p. 327.

[83] R. Hensman, 2018. Indefensible: Democracy, Counterrevolution, and the Rhetoric of Anti-Imperialism. Haymarket Books.

[84] Chapman, 1992. The Celts. Springer.

[85] J. A. Frankel, E. Stein and S.J. Wei, 1997. Regional trading blocs in the world economic system. Peterson Institute.

[86] W. Rodney, 2018. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Verso Trade.; DeGregori, 1994. History and Hunger in West Africa.

[87] D. Faustand R. Nagar, 2001. Politics of development in postcolonial India: English-medium education and social fracturing. Economic and Political Weekly, pp.2878-2883.; T. C. Sherman, 2018. Education in early postcolonial India: Expansion, experimentation and planned self-help. History of Education, 47(4), pp.504-520.; B.W. White, 1996. Talk about School: education and the colonial project in French and British Africa (1860-1960). Comparative Education, 32(1), pp.9-26.; K. Mwiria, 1991. Education for subordination: African education in colonial Kenya. History of Education, 20(3), pp.261-273.

[88] S. Heleta, 2016. Decolonisation of higher education: Dismantling epistemic violence and Eurocentrism in South Africa. Transformation in Higher Education, 1(1), pp.1-8.; Chapman, 1992. The Celts. Springer.

[89] K. Beegle and L. Christiaensen, eds., 2019. Accelerating poverty reduction in Africa. World Bank Publications.

[90] Gilley, 2018. The case for colonialism. Academic Questions. p. 174-7.

[91] T. Pratchett, I. Stewart and J. S. Cohen, 2003. The science of discworld: the globe (Vol. 2). Random House. “The anthropologists got it wrong when they named our species Homo sapiens (‘wise man’). In any case it’s an arrogant and bigheaded thing to say, wisdom being one of our least evident features. In reality, we are Pan narrans, the storytelling chimpanzee”.

[92] T.D.S. Lopes, 2019. “The Nature of the Firm”—and the Eternal Life of the Brand. Enterprise & Society, 20(4), pp.752-776.

[93] A.A. Mazhar, “Revisiting or Inventing History? The Cases of Brian Friel’s Making History (1988) and Mahmoud Diyab’s Gate to Conquest”(1971).

[94] Gilley, 2018. The case for colonialism. Academic Questions. p. 177, 185.

[95] G. Eley and K. Nield, (2007) The Future of Class in History: What’s Left of the Social? Ann Arbor, MI, 2007. p. 122.

[96] B.L. Pickett, 1996. Foucault and the Politics of Resistance. Polity, 28(4), pp.445-466.

[97] J. Weeks, 1982, October. Foucault for historians. In History Workshop (pp. 106-119). Editorial Collective, History Workshop, Ruskin College.; R. Marsden, 1999. The nature of capital: Marx after Foucault. Routledge.

[98] Ibid.; R. Hilferding and E. Paul, 1919. Böhm-Bawerk's criticism of Marx. Glasgow: Socialist Labour Press.

[99] Whitaker, A.C., 1904. History and criticism of the labor theory of value in English political economy. Columbia University Press.; P. Bigo, 1965. The Enigma of Marxism. International Philosophical Quarterly, 5(4), pp.637-646.; R. Kiely, 1995. Marxism, post-Marxism and development fetishism. Capital & Class, 19(1), pp.73-101.

[100] Dimitrakos, D.P., 1986. Gramsci and the contemporary debate on marxism. Philosophy of the social sciences, 16(4), pp.459-488.

[101] Foucault, M., 2019. Power: the essential works of Michel Foucault 1954-1984. Penguin UK.; J. Taylor, 1974. Neo-Marxism and Underdevelopment—A sociological phantasy. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 4(1), pp.5-23.